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War by Other Means

其他形式的戰爭



When trust becomes a dead letter between the White House, Congress, media and national-security apparatus, America’s foreign policymaking becomes crippled.

當白宮、國會、媒體和國家安全機構之間的信任形同虛設時,美國的外交政策制定就會陷入癱瘓。

WITH THEIR decision to launch an impeachment inquiry of President Donald Trump, congressional Democrats have embarked on a step that will have profound implications both for American domestic and foreign policy. Much of the media discussion about the Trump impeachment inquiry has centered on handicapping this latest phase in the political battle between Republicans and Democrats to retain or regain the presidency. Far less attention has been paid to the question of the implications that the inquiry may have for the security and integrity of our republic.

國會的民主黨人決定啟動對唐納德?特朗普總統的彈劾調查,這將對美國國內和外交政策產生深遠影響。有關特朗普彈劾調查的媒體討論,大多集中在阻礙共和黨和民主黨之間為保住或重奪總統職位而展開的政治斗爭的最新階段。對這一彈劾調查對我們共和國的安全和完整性可能產生影響的問題,人們所投入的關注則要少得多。



What happened before can happen again. This is why the move toward impeachment proceedings is cause for concern. If the impact of the earlier Mueller investigation serves as any guide, the implications of what Ukrainians are sardonically calling the “Monica Zelensky scandal” for American foreign policy might be significant. The earlier Russiagate controversy played an important role in hardening American policies toward Moscow, as the White House strove to counter a fusillade of accusations that the president was acting as an agent of the Kremlin. The charge that Trump sought personal political benefit by holding up congressionally-mandated military assistance to Ukraine is likely to impose similar constraints on his handling of the warfare between Kiev and Russian-backed forces in Ukraine’s east, thereby rendering a solution to the conflict less, not more, likely.

以前發生過的事情可能會再次發生。這就是為什么啟動彈劾程序這件事令人感到擔憂。如果穆勒早些時候的調查能給予我們任何啟發的話,那就是烏克蘭人諷刺地稱之為“莫妮卡?澤倫斯基丑聞”的事件對美國外交政策的影響可能是非常重大的。早些時候發生的通俄門事件在強化美國對俄政策方面發揮了重要作用,當時白宮正在努力反擊有關總統是克里姆林宮代理人的一連串指控。特朗普通過國會授權給予烏克蘭的均勢援助來尋求個人政治利益的指控很可能對他處理基輔和俄羅斯軍隊在烏克蘭東部地區的戰事施以類似的限制,從而減少了——而不是增加了——提出沖突解決方案的可能性。

But beyond affecting the particulars of specific American policies toward allies and adversaries, the impeachment saga may have a more lasting effect on the process of foreign policymaking itself. The release of the president’s personal phone calls with world leaders sets a troubling precedent, not only undermining the ability of an American leader to trust that he can speak frankly but also constraining his counterparts.

但除了影響美國對盟友和對手的具體政策細節外,這一彈劾事件可能對外交政策的制定過程本身產生更加持久的影響。公布總統與世界各國領導人的私人電話記錄開創了一個令人不安的先例,這不僅削弱了美國領導人相信自己能夠坦率直言的能力,也限制了他國領導人這么做的能力。



The result is likely to accelerate a process already underway in which American power and preeminence are slipping away. Major powers abroad, observing Washington’s fit of national solipsism, will seek to constrain the United States rather than work with it. Not many years ago, former Secretary of State Madeline Albright called the United States the “indispensable nation.” That appellation looks less apt than ever. If it continues on its current course, America will head not only into a domestic but also a foreign policy crisis that is mostly of its own making.

其結果可能會加速一個已經在進行的進程——在這個進程中,美國的力量和優勢正在消失。其他主要國家在看到華盛頓的國家唯我論后,將尋求限制美國,而不是與它展開合作。就在幾年前,前國務卿馬德琳?奧爾布賴特稱美國是“不可或缺的國家”。這個稱呼現在看起來比以往任何時候都不恰當。如果美國繼續走目前的道路,它不僅會陷入國內危機,還會陷入外交政策的危機,而這場危機主要是美國自己造成的。